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Gujarat Elections 2007 :: Modi Wins
Mike Ghouse, December
24, 2007
Congratulations to Modi for winning the elections, he now has an opportunity to win the heart of every
Gujarati regardless of his or her affiliation.
Before the elections,
I wrote
about forgiving as an act of kindness and praischit
to ease every Gujarati into a moral comfort zone and
look forward to bringing comprehensive progress;
material, moral and spiritual to all its citizens
The Jain community sets an examples of practicing one of
the most beautiful principles, “Michami Dukadam”,
meaning forgiving and asking for forgiveness. This helps
clean the slate of the mistakes one has made and help
clean others slate, so every one can start the year with
a clean heart. Why should one do that? Simply for
purification of one’s heart and soul and live an
enriched life. Nothing beats the feeling of being a good
human being.
Hate, malice and anger eat away one’s peace of mind. It
has to be brought to an end for living a serene life.
My appeal to every Gujarati is to pause and seriously
consider the option of forgiveness. Let it not hinge on
others doing it first or not doing at all, the
forgiveness benefits the forgiver more than the
forgived. Be selfish and reap the benefits of
forgiveness and see your own demeanor become admirable.
Be good to yourselves and your soul.
I have selected a few pieces that extol him, as well as
those turn the amber light on and those that and
vindictive. In an open society, all the cards have to be
put on the table to understand the full picture and play
a decent game.
-
It's time
to show large-heartedness, says Modi
-
Figuring
out Gujarat
-
NRIs
raise a toast to Modi's victory
-
I'm jewel
in India's crown: Modi
-
Narendra
Modi and Adolf Hitler
-
Modi's
Victory: Portents for Indian Democracy
-
Time to
build an inclusive Gujarat: British NRIs to Modi
-
If Modi
wins on Sunday
Mike Ghouse
http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/Its-time-to-show-largeheartedness-says-Modi/253766/
It's time to show large-heartedness, says Modi
Posted online: Monday , December 24, 2007 at 12:00:00
Updated: Monday , December 24, 2007 at 06:49:06
Gandhinagar, December 24: Making an
indirect reference to his adversaries, Narendra Modi,
who will take oath as Chief Minister of Gujarat for
the third time on Tuesday, said "it is the need of the
hour that we show large-heartedness towards each and
everyone".
"Some people may have failed to see
the changing times and the turn of events. It is the
demand of the time that we show large-heartedness
towards each and everyone," Modi said after he was
unanimously elected as BJP Legislature Party leader.
Modi acknowledged his indebtedness to
the BJP workers in helping him surmount the manifold
problems and emerge victorious in the recent assembly
elections.
Tracing the problem of rebellion in
the BJP to corruption, he said that those people who
were involved in 'hanky-panky' business have gone (lene-denewale
woh log chale gaye).
"People thought that as we had not
made appointments to the boards and corporations,
there would be large-scale disaffection in the party
and the BJP would lose.
"However, the BJP workers have not
come to make commission but are out on a mission. They
have not joined the party to receive but to give
something back to the society," Modi said.
Figuring out Gujarat
Sumita Kale
Posted online: Tuesday, December 25, 2007 at 0000 hrs
Data shows a state better run than most others. But
also, a state where growth is yet to become inclusive

Gujarat is a state that is generally
in the limelight, for right and wrong reasons. The
recent election ending in victory for Narendra Modi
has thrown up various issues — whether the state has
really done as well as has been projected by the
government, whether such development has reached the
grassroots, whether the people have genuinely
benefited, among others. Using published data, one can
see that the growth in the state has been of a
phenomenal degree. This does not suggest that all
classes of the society have benefited equally or that
some have not become worse off. But the picture that
emerges is of a state run better than most others.
Take economic growth, which averaged
7.7 per cent annually in the nineties. During the
period 2001-2006, the economy has grown at an average
of 10.2 per cent annually. Per capita income in
constant prices has grown at a rate of 8.1 per cent
annually during the period 2000-2006, the highest rate
of growth amongst the large states. Natural calamities
(drought, earthquakes) and manmade ones (recession,
riots), Gujarat has seen it all in the last eight
years and the high performance points clearly to the
resilience of the economy. In fact, growth in Gujarat
has always been above the India average, except for
the years of recession. Industrial recession hits the
state hard since almost 30 per cent of the income
generated in the state comes from the manufacturing
sector and more than three-quarters of manufacturing
income stems from the registered sector in the state.

Gujarat has always been active in
attracting industrial investment, and while it lagged
behind Maharashtra with the second largest share of
industrial investment proposals in India till 2004, it
was in the last three years that Gujarat’s share in
investment proposals has zoomed up to first place in
the country with Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh behind
it. In recent months, there has been more interest in
Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra but when it comes to the
crunch of implementation of the proposals, Gujarat is
way ahead of these states with an implementation ratio
of 15 per cent (the figures for Maharashtra and
Chhattisgarh are 8 per cent and 3 per cent
respectively). These figures gel with anecdotal and
media reports of the ease with which industry
translates its proposals into concrete form on the
ground.
There has been a massive thrust on the
infrastructure front in the state and Gujarat was the
first in the country to privatise the construction of
ports and to announce a separate port policy in 1995,
integrating industrial development, power generation
and infrastructure development. The results have come
to fruit now and the famous “It’s stupid if you are
not in Gujarat” line attributed to Ratan Tata quite
neatly encapsulates the relation between government
and industry in this state.
One of the areas of concern has been
agriculture with its high dependence on rainfall. But
efforts to irrigate have raised the percentage of net
sown area that is irrigated from 29 per cent in 2000
to 34 per cent in 2005, a five per cent rise every
year. The government’s active efforts to bring the
waters of the Narmada to fill the rivers in the state
have done wonders in some parts and much more has been
planned. But with almost 60 per cent of the population
still engaged in the primary sector, this has not been
enough to offset the rural-urban divide and on this
front Gujarat has not been doing too well.
The Economic Census of 2005 showed
that while the number of enterprises other than those
engaged in crop production and plantation, grew at an
annualised rate of 3.4 per cent, less than the
national growth rate of 4.41 per cent, growth in
employment in such enterprises grew marginally at 1.39
per cent, compared to the 2.49 per cent growth in
India. More interestingly, the trend in most parts of
India showed higher growth in the rural areas, which
is in contrast to the higher growth in urban
enterprises and employment in Gujarat.
The urban-rural divide also shows up
in the recently released National Family Health Survey
data. While 91 per cent of the urban households had
piped drinking water, just 60 per cent rural
households enjoyed this privilege. Though it must be
said that this is much better than the all-India
average of 71 per cent and 27.9 per cent respectively.
Yet other health indicators also show
a divide that should be bridged for the inclusive
growth slogan to hold true. For instance, infant
mortality has come down from 63 to 50 per 1000 live
births during the period 1998-99 and 2005-06 but
stands at 58 in rural areas and 36 in urban areas. To
take another example, 55 per cent of children less
than 2 years received all their vaccines in urban
areas, but in rural areas this was 40 per cent. One
disturbing number that emerges in the vaccination data
is that while 53 per cent of the children less than 2
years were totally vaccinated in 1998-99, this number
had dropped to 45 per cent in 2005-06, while the
all-India data shows a rising trend from 42 to 44 per
cent. There are, of course, many more instances where
rural infrastructure and facilities could do with
improvement.
Clearly, Gujarat is still more
industry-oriented and more urban-oriented than is
needed to provide inclusive growth and development in
the state. The electoral battle may be won but the war
against imbalances within the state will continue to
rage.
The writer is chief economist, Indicus Analytics
sumita@indicus.net
NRIs raise a toast to Modi's victory
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2646345.cms
AHMEDABAD/VADODARA/SURAT: NRIs from across Gujarat, who
ran passionate campaigns during the assembly election,
gave a thumbs up to Narendra Modi being re-elected for a
third term. Many of them were also hoping that Modi
would now become an advocate for their demands,
including giving them the right to vote.
Anuj Zaverchand, an IT professional from the United
States, told TOI that the mandate was for growth and
development. "Issues like corruption have been handled
well by Modi. It has made Modi strong and he will become
stronger if he continues the same policies," he said.
In Anand and Kheda, teeming with NRGs (non-resident
Gujaratis), Congress making significant gains did not
dampen their spirit. Manubhai Patel of the UK-based
Dharmaj Society of London (DSOL) said that many NRGs in
UK were expecting a Modi victory.
"Although we are a charitable society and most of our
associations have stayed away from declaring their
support to any party, majority opinion in the UK is in
favour of Modi as chief minister. NRGs can’t vote but
they want BJP to win the elections," said Patel.
Bholabhai Soma Patel, an NRG from Akhaj village in
Mehsana, said, "Now that Modi is back in power, he
should work for the rights of NRGs. We are ready to
adopt villages and give funds to the state government,
but NRGs should be allowed to vote in parliamentary and
assembly elections." Natwar Patel, another NRG from
Akhaj village, added, "We admire Modi. He should press
for the dual citizenship from NRGs."
US-based Ajit Patel, who was campaigning for his brother
and Congress candidate Niranjan Patel in Petlad, packed
his bags for the US as soon as his brother won the seat.
"I am excited as my brother has once again emerged as
winner. Although I was hoping that Congress gets more
seats."
Rajiv Patel, 26, a resident of the US working as a
social worker in Ahmedabad, said, "Development has
definitely taken place in last couple of years. There
are good roads and electricity across the state."
However, Thakor Patel, 75, an NRG now living in
Ahmedabad, was unhappy. "I feel the Congress should not
have allied with the BJP dissidents. It diluted their
influence over the voters. Modi has digested Hitler and
Mussolini quite well which shows in the way he manifests
himself. I believe in a secular democracy which is
slowly getting eroded here."
Many supporters of Modi and members of pro-Hindutva
groups in the US had gone to Gujarat to campaign for the
BJP.
I'm jewel in India's crown: Modi
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2645924.cms
A HMEDABAD:
In his first public meeting after winning the Maninagar
Assembly seat for the second time and sweeping the state
on Sunday, the re-elected chief minister was a picture
of modesty. He stood with folded hands to address a
gathering at the Khokhra circle in Maninagar, artfully
crowning himself as a national leader and promising the
voters a future of opportunities.
"You have made me the mani (jewel) of Maninagar,
which makes me the mani of the whole state and if
Gujarat
is the mukut (crown) of the country, you have
made me the mani of the entire country," he said.
The crowd waved BJP flags and saffron scarves and danced
to drumbeats.
"This is the most democratic election I have ever seen,
and the result is what you really wanted. Where the
Congress went wrong was it got the Union government in
the form of Dinsha Patel to fight in the state," Modi
said.
Earlier in the day, Modi also spoke to mediapersons
while participating in the victory celebrations at the
BJP headquarters in Khanpur. "The party has won the
election here for the fifth time and once again we have
nearly got two-thirds majority. I owe this mandate to
the people of Gujarat. This is a positive vote to bring
the BJP in power once again," said Modi.
Making oblique reference to Congress president Sonia
Gandhi’s remark, Modi said, "The Gujarati voters have
rejected the negativity spread by the opposition parties
by coining new words to malign the Gujarati spirit.
Anti-Gujarat powers have been defeated and crores of
Gujaratis have empowered our 'Jeetega Gujarat' spirit."
Gujarat is going to celebrate its golden jubilee in
2010, "We want all the parties and supporters of Gujarat
to come forward to work even more for the development of
a golden Gujarat and expedite the programme for the
whole nation."
Narendra Modi and Adolf Hitler
Sujai
December 24, 2007
Narendra Modi and his BJP party have many similarities
with Adolf Hitler and the rise of Nazis in Germany.
Modi's victory in the Gujarat elections bodes ill for
this nation.
In a state where Mahatma Gandhi was born, we have a
leader who confesses his targeting of Muslims, and yet,
people vote him back into power. Hitler used to openly
confess his contempt for Jews and yet people backed him.
India is going through similar circumstances that
Germany went through in the late 1800s and early 1900s-
revival of nationalism based on historic achievements
closely tied to certain cultural roots that are unique
to certain people of certain identity (in this case
Hinduism, back then it was the Germanic race); targeting
of the enemies within the state (in this case it is
Muslims, back then it was Jews), who are not patriotic,
and who incessantly 'stab the nation in the back'.
A long campaign of such hatred and instilling of
superiority preceded the rise of Hitler and his Nazis.
Theories abounded which glorified the Germanic race and
its achievements while continuing to distance itself
from the enemies (mostly Jews, but also Slavs, and other
inferior races). Efforts were made to find achievements
of the Germanic race in distant past, including their
links with other great culture elsewhere (Hindus and
Tibetans).
Hitler came on board only to channel those sentiments to
do something only he could do - Mass murder of millions
of inferior people.
Modi comes onto the stage in a similar setting.
Demonizing of Muslims in India began long ago. It has
now reached unprecedented levels, even backed with
scientific and elitist arguments. Theories abound why
Muslims are different and how they cannot be integrated
into a nation-state, how they are unpatriotic, how they
keep 'stabbing us in the back'. As in pre-WWII Germany,
pogroms that target and kill these enemies of the state
keep occurring.
Modi, like Hitler, targets certain sections blaming them
for all ills of the society. Hitler unleashed his goons
to target and kill people of one community while the
state apparatus stood by to support, abet and sometimes
participate in those killings. Modi did similar stuff in
2002.
Germany saw economic prosperity like never before under
Hitler. Industrial output was at its highest. Production
of coal, steel, etc, was unprecedented. Today's Gujarat
boasts of very high economic growth under Modi.
There are a few other trivial similarities. They are
both bachelors and were hailed for non-corruptive
practices. Modi is vegetarian, like Hitler, and has
contempt for meat-eaters. Like Hitler, Modi practices
and spends lot of time on mastering his oratory.
Modi is in-your-face candid about his crimes (like
Hitler) which people see as a sign of honesty in
comparison to other weak and corrupt leaders who seem to
push the same agenda but are not honest about it. Many
in Germany were vexed with the coalition government led
by incompetent leaders who were seen as weak, dishonest
and corrupt. They choose someone who was strong,
charismatic and honest to lead them. Hitler was
considered to be above the party and its ideologies. His
personality was overwhelming. Not very different from
how pundits write about Modi now.
According to many people in India, the opposition
parties, the Congress and the Left have no better track
record when it comes to protecting the interests of
minority religions in this country. The difference is
that Narendra Modi just accepts what he does. A known,
strong and honest criminal is better than a hypocrite,
weak and dishonest criminal - that seems to be the
attitude of Indian people.
It's unfortunate that we have come to this. It's
unfortunate that our leaders could not set right
examples. The examples of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru,
Ambedkar, Shastri, Patel, Radhakrishnan, etc, are long
gone. We are bereft of good examples. When everyone is a
criminal, an honest and strong one is a definitely
preferred. Hence, Narendra Modi!
Adolf Hitler came to power riding similar sympathies
like Modi enjoys right now. Whenever Hitler was accused
of a wrongdoing, he used that campaign to expose the
weakness of his opposition and he grew stronger. He did
not lie. He did not falter. That brought him more public
support. When the Tehelka expose was circulated, Modi's
supporters used it to further their support for Modi.
When Hitler spoke, he did not hide his contempt for
Jews, and neither did he hide his agenda on how he is
going to take care of Jewish Problem. When Modi speaks,
he spews forth venom and contempt and openly confesses
he subverted law of the land to kill the enemy. The
people of Germany who were surrounded by weak-hearted
and corrupt leaders that colluded to make marriages of
convenience just to be in power, voted this man to power
because they thought he would at least tell them what he
does and what he intends to do, honestly. Many people in
India admire Modi for his blatant honesty.
While some observers of the early twentieth century
spelt doom on the rise of Nazis in Germany, many other
politicians (in Germany and outside), weak at heart,
diffident, and completely involved in their petty
politics underestimated the rise of Hitler. They thought
he was a tiny figure who would be swept away very soon.
That never happened. They kept giving into his demands.
He fed on that support and mass hysteria, and became a
megalomaniac who plunged the whole world into its
greatest war which ended up killing more than 50 million
people in less than ten years.
Modi is on the rise in India. It is not a good sign for
India. It bolsters and gives support to other elements
that harbor similar thoughts in India. Hindutva forces
already talk about emulating and replicating Gujarat in
other states of India. People explain his win as a
mandate of people. That's a sorry state of affairs. What
if a majority of Indians vote to kill all the minorities
in one stroke, will we accept that mandate? Is the law
of the land and our Constitution subservient to people's
mandate? We have a skewed and distorted view of what it
means to be a democracy.
Indians have not learned to draw the line between what
is acceptable and what is not. Here, in Gujarat, we have
blurred those lines. We have legitimized crime that
targets certain people based on their identity. The
future is bleak. All this economic prosperity is not
going to save us. Instead, this prosperity will only
fuel such hatred to take it to the next level, where
state participates in marginalizing, demonizing and then
targeting of certain identities.
[Here is a Indian version of what is was published in
Time Magazine on August 28, 1989]
First they came for the Sikhs, and I didn't speak up,
because I wasn't a Sikh.
Them they came for the Muslims, and I didn't speak up,
because I wasn't a Muslim.
Then they came for the Christians, and I didn't speak
up,
because I wasn't a Christian.
Then they came for the Communists, and I didn't speak
up,
because I wasn't a Communist.
Then they came for the Liberal Hindus, and I didn't
speak up,
because I was a conservative Hindu.
Then they came for me, and by that time there was no one
left
to speak up for me.
Here's what one of the perpetrators of the Gujarat
killings has to say. [Bhatt] [emphasis mine]
… pick up AK-56s because if you have to develop
Hinduism, it is clear who the enemies are… There are two
who are against Hinduism… Muslims, who are open… but the
Christians… they are like a bacterial virus … and
there's a third, the Communists, who are developing now…
red waale… If you have to fight them, you need power and
that power will not come from the lathi… only the bullet
will do…0674024826 we go to RSS shakhas … pick up the
lathi and use it… All that is fine but now they should
be replaced with AKs and a Hindu brigade should be
formed…
I maintain most of my blogs at sujai blog. E=mc^2.
Modi's Victory: Portents for Indian Democracy
Ram Puniyani,
Surpassing many predictions, Modi did very well in the
recently held assembly elections, (Dec. 2007) bringing
his victory tally to the one close to post carnage
elections of 2002. While 2002 elections were preceded by
an unprecedented polarization of the society, in the
current one it appeared as if there are many a factors
which will go against Modi, the internal dissidents, the
incumbency factor, the efforts of secular groups and
slightly better efforts by Congress. This gave the
impression that the results will be touch and go, but
they turned out to be similar to the previous one giving
him a massive mandate.
This makes many a things clear for us. One, the
polarization has seeped in very deep in the
Gujarat society. The observation is that after every communal-violence,
the major player of the violence, in this case, RSS
affiliate, BJP, becomes stronger. In this electiona
also, as was the case in the last elections, BJPs
performance has been best where the carnage was maximum.
In other parts of the country the polarization is
reaching towards the critical line from where the
rupture in fabric of society becomes irreversible. It
seems that it has already become so in
Gujarat. Gujarat which began as a Hindu Rashtra laboratory seems to be turning in
to a factory of Hindu rashtra. One of the major success
of RSS combine has been that it has been able to
propagate successfully that Hindu Rashra is for the
benefit of all the Hindus, there is a struggle between
Hindu and Muslim interests, RSS is on the side of
Hindus, while others are against the interests of
Hindus. The real fact is that in the name of Hinduism,
RSS is merely playing with the identity of Hindus and
enhancing an agenda which is against the social
transformation of caste and gender, which is against the
interests of majority of Hindus.
Further it has succeeded in instilling the fear of
Muslims in the majority community. The formula used is
that all terrorists are Muslims, baying for the blood of
Hindus and RSS combine is their only savior. The
propaganda is that while so many terror attacks are
taking place all over the country, the Hindus in Gujarat
are safe due to Modi/BJP/RSS. The fact is in during NDA
regime and also during the rule of Modi major terror
attacks have taken place including the attack on
parliament and Akshardham. This, so called attitude
towards terrorists is projected by RSS combine as
Nationalism. Nationalism as such should mean sticking to
the values of freedom movement and Indian constitution.
The second illusion created is that of progress of
Gujarat. As such
Gujarat was already amongst the leading developing states. Now it is being
presented that all this is due to Modi. Goebells is
being beaten hollow in the techniques of innovating the
propaganda techniques.
Sometimes what matters is not the truth but as to what
is propagated and made a part of social psyche. One
cannot but draw many analogies from Hitler who went on
to create a fascist state, and in due course do away
with the democracy. This also led to the disintegration
of Germany and its terrible defeat the World War II,
rupturing the German national fabric. There also, one
saw the charisma of one person overshadowing the party.
There also the polarization was brought in and sustained
by targeting one after the other community or social
group. In
Gujarat one sees the targeting of Muslims followed by the Christians. What
will follow next will unfold shortly? The only
difference between the German and
Gujarat analogy is that in
Germany the nation came under the impact of the fascist
boots at a rapid pace in most of the parts of the state,
while here the trishuls are marching at different pace
in different states. In Gujarat the RSS agenda seems to
have come close to the peak, while in other states, the
march is on and is in different stages of intimidation
of democracy.
The journey of Hindutva fascism in
Gujarat began with the anti dalit riots of 1980-81, followed by anti OBC
riots of 1986. Both these crystallized the support base
of Hindutva, the upper caste, affluent sections. The NRI
Gujaratis, the money order senders, played no mean role
in consolidating the native fascism. The alienated NRI
Gujaratis fed the local divisive politics with dollars
and pounds, aggravating the divisive politics. Conscious
social engineering was deployed to co-opt Adivasis and
dalits into the Hindutva fold from late 1980s. For
co-opting Adiviais, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram campaigned
against the miniscule Christian missionaries and
attacked the tiny Christian community. For co-opting
other deprived sections, including dalits, intense
religiosity was promoted, Pandurnag Shstri, Asaram Bapu
and Morari Bapu etc. ploughed the ground for BJP to reap
the harvest. Section of urban people saw the benefits of
the type of intimidation brought in by RSS affiliate
politics. While Muslims and Christians were directly hit
the major goal was to subdue the dalts and Adivasis, to
ensure that they remain where they are, that the status
quo is maintained.
With Ram temple movement, the polarization along
religious lines went on deepening. The state sponsored
genocide on the pretext of Godhra sealed the issue. The
laboratory took clear shape, all necessary instruments
in place. The experiment began. Carnage was conducted
with RSS affiliates playing the coordinating role. No
rehabilitation for the carnage victims, no justice for
those who suffered violence and then their gradual
marginalization from social sphere. The relegating of
Muslims minority as second class citizens has become an
established fact and a section of Muslims even started
the campaign to reconcile to their changed status. A
large section of Muslims saw that the only alternative
for them is to be on the bent knees, to join in the
victory celebration of the murderer-in-chief of the
genocide, which led to their miseries. Yes life has to
go on irrespective! Some sheep are beginning to
cultivate the illusion that wolf is their savior.
The indirect fall out of this was the eventual
ghettoization of the community in Gujarat and its fall
out all over the country was in the form of widening
gulf between religious communities. It set rolling the
similar phenomenon all over the country. While
electorally BJP sounds weak at all India level, the
seeds of communal politics and polarization have been
sown all over.
While comparing the BJP/RSS politics with fascism in the
decades of 1990 one was hard pressed to explain the
absence of a charismatic leader at the national level at
that time. Classically fascist movement has to have a
charismatic leader at the helm. While Advani was
spearheading Hindutva agenda and Vajpayee was wearing
the liberal mask very cleverly, none of them had the
requisite charisma to send the crowd into frenzy to call
for the extra judicial killing of a criminal. Modi has
filled the gap and that too very effectively. Not only
he is getting away with justifying the fake encounter,
he is able to project it as a sign of bravery and
courage. With observations of Gujarat poll, with the
type of charisma, which Modi has cultivated, the analogy
with Modi-Hitler, Hindutva-Fascism is more or less
complete.
History does not repeat it self in the same manner. In
Germany Fascism rode all over Germany with uniform
speed, with speed which was blinding, and went on to
target Jews to begin with. RSS, the patriarch of all
Hindu right wing organizations, began in 1925; it is
from 1980s that is has been able to actualize its
political agenda in a serious way.
While Modi's victory will pave the way for total
abolition of liberal space in Gujarat, the party, BJP,
has already been overshadowed by one supreme leader.
Those dissatisfied with him are shown the door. The
plight of minorities and weaker section is going to be
worse. A section of affluent middle class will shine
while the majority deprived sections' voices will be put
under the carpet in the name of Gauravi Gujarat, under
the slogan of development. And of course development
will never reach them.
At national level, the rising communal forces will
derive encouragement from this and in other states like
Karnataka; BJP will try with stronger assertion. The BJP
ruled states will strongly implement the Hindutva agenda
i.e. emotive, anti minority and anti poor policies in a
more systematic way.
Modi's victory is a warning signal of transition of sub
critical fascism, transcending the critical line to
strangulate democratic values in an ideological form all
over the country. The disarray in the BJP will give way
to strong optimism, to strive for power at center. All
this may take place sooner than later if the secular
movements do not wake up and broaden their reach. Even
today those standing for secular values are much more in
number and strength than those who have came under the
spell of divisive forces, communal forces. The point is
can they come together to ensure that the country does
go in the direction being asserted by Modi/BJP/RSS type
politics? Need that the vision of founding fathers of
India
is brought back to the social and political arena, that
pluralism, justice and harmony is made the central focus
of our movement.
Time to build an inclusive Gujarat: British NRIs to Modi
http://deccanherald.com/DeccanHerald.com/Content/Dec242007/national2007122442922.asp?section=updatenews
Non-resident
Indians in Britain, led by the powerful and wealthy
Gujarati business community, want Narendra Modi to heal
the scars of anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat and help
build an inclusive state in his third stint as chief
minister.
"With this further term, we hope he will work towards
building a inclusive society in Gujarat, working for the
development of all sections, not one particular
section," said Praveen Amin, a Hindu who heads the
National Congress of Gujarati Associations of UK, an
umbrella body representing 98 Gujarati organisations.
"After all, Modi as chief minister represents all the
religions of Gujarat," he added.
More than 1,000 Muslims were killed in the state in 2002
by Hindu extremists following the torching of a train in
the town of Godhra, in which 59 Hindu pilgrims were
killed. International human rights groups, holding Modi
responsible for the violence, have blocked not only some
of his travel abroad but also his access to Western
government leaders.
Modi's position is closely intertwined with the
activities and interests of British Gujaratis, who are
the largest ethnic Indian as well as Hindu community in
Britain and number about half a million (there are no
official figures of the number of Gujaratis in Britain).
They invest heavily in Gujarat and a rising number of
them are spending more of their time and money in
Gujarat.
Increasingly in a shrinking world, events in India and
Britain impact on each other's populations, no more so
than Gujaratis.
In interviews with IANS, prominent NRIs said that in
addition to the financial and economic stability that
Modi has brought in, they want to see religious harmony
in the western Indian state - an end to the religious
strife and polarisation that has marred the Modi years.
"Let me say one thing to Muslims - it is time to forgive
and forget," said Sir Gulam K. Noon, head of
multi-million pounds Indian food business empire, Noon
Products. "You know, things happen. You can't go on and
on about 2002. India's roots of secularism are very deep
and all Muslims have a place in India."
"But in the next five years, Modi should build a united
community, inject secularism and continue the
development of Gujarat," Noon added.
"Modi has the power to be a good administrator - we all
know that. I just hope he will learn from history and
build community cohesion, so that all Gujaratis can
benefit from economic and social stability," said
Buddhdev Pandya, a London-based Gujarati community
leader and well-known campaigner on immigration issues.
Every Gujarati - both Hindu and Muslim - that IANS spoke
to highlighted one particular achievement of Modi: that
there had been no violence against Muslims since 2002.
"Obviously all our members are deeply hurt. But many
Muslim Gujaratis in Britain take a slightly milder
position towards Modi these days," said Shamsuddin Agha,
president of the Indian Muslim Federation (IMF) UK.
"They acknowledge that Muslims have to live and work in
Gujarat and they want to look ahead."
Some 70 percent of the IMF's members are
Gujarati-speaking Muslims and many of them, says Agha,
realise that "it's no good just being angry."
"Our group has appreciation for his governance. We only
hope that in his third coming, Modi will bring justice
and punish the people who took part in the 2002
killings," said Agha.
"In the last four or five years there have been no riots
against Muslims. There is tension of course, but no
riots," he added.
Three British Gujarati-speaking men were among those
killed in the 2002 anti-Muslim violence. Mohammad Aswat
Nallabhai and cousins Saeed and Shakil Dawood, all from
the northern English region of Yorkshire, were killed
when their jeep was attacked by Hindu extremists near
the town of Himmatnagar.
An Early Day Motion submitted before the British
parliament and signed by 46 MPs in May "deplores the
decision of the Gujarat authorities not to investigate
these horrific crimes properly and uphold justice by
convicting those responsible."
But such thoughts are not uppermost among those who
count themselves as staunch supporters of Modi in
Britain
"Who doesn't have an opponent when he is a rising star?"
said Dr Harish M. Rughani, Executive Chairman of Shri
Vallabh Nidhi UK, an organisation that is building a
large Hindu temple in the London suburb of Wembley
"Only a handful of people in Britain oppose Modi. The
majority of Gujaratis here are thrilled. It is a
fantastic election victory for a man who has brought so
much vibrancy to Gujarat," Rughani added.
Shamsuddin Agha is far less effusive, and for at least
one very good reason. The IMF, he points out, was
launched in the aftermath of another Gujarat riot - the
one in 1969 that is thought to have killed some 2,500
people. That another wave of violence could have swept
the state in just over three decades is a bitter
experience, not for him alone but more so for those who
live in Gujarat.
"People who are not political, who are not educated and
who are not strong - people who are hardly out of their
mosques - these people are very much scared," said Agha.
"We hope and pray Modi will change his mind about
Muslims.
http://www.indianexpress.com/story/253013._.html
If
Modi wins on Sunday
Shekhar Gupta
On the eve of the 2002
Gujarat elections, I had stuck my neck out
to predict, somewhat audaciously, that if Modi wins, it
would alter the character of national politics and that
the next general election could be a Sonia versus Modi
contest. There were some curious murmurs and questions
from the usual suspects of the Congress that Saturday
morning. But, surprise of surprises, the only protest
came from Pramod Mahajan.
He called early that morning and, for once, was not his
usual sugar-coated self. “What’s this, boss, what kind
of nonsense are you writing?” he said. Why should it
have upset Pramod if I was predicting his party’s
victory in Gujarat? That foxed me at that moment and, in
any case, six thirty in the morning is not exactly when
I am at my brightest. Pramod apologised for calling
early and we agreed to meet for lunch that afternoon.
Frankly, I had banked that lunch away for my memoirs,
not so much for what we discussed, but because of some
interesting sidelights. Like Mahajan asking a startled
steward at the Oberoi’s very proper Belvedere for a
whole, large onion — “don’t peel it,” he specified. I
thought, for a moment, that Mahajan, always a great
showman, wanted to use the onion to make a political
point about the BJP. He, instead, plonked it on the
table, crushed it under his ample palm and plucked out
the flesh for himself and me to munch with our lunch.
Even in a seven-star environment, the BJP’s most
flamboyant star wanted to be his rustic self.
Then he came to the point. “What do you mean by saying
Sonia versus Modi in the next general elections? Have we
all disappeared? Do we all wear bangles? You think we
have spent decades in politics to now hand it all over
to somebody who walks in through the backdoor?”
I tell this story because, while the advanced 2004 poll
distorted the emerging political scenario then, it is
incredible how it is promising to play out exactly the
same way now. If Modi wins on Sunday, the stage will be
set for an ultimate Modi versus Sonia battle for
national power, even if Advani continues to be the BJP’s
shadow prime minister. Modi will then be the key
campaigner, his kind of politics, his style of
campaigning, his lexicon of cryptographic saffronism and
even his short-sleeved kurtas will then define the BJP
campaign in the next general election. In the long run,
too, he will emerge as Rahul Gandhi’s main challenger.
He will unite the parties that need the Muslim votes,
thereby strengthening any Congress-led coalition. He
will put under great strain the members of any BJP-led
coalition, particularly those that still value Muslim
votes. Nitish Kumar is a key example. But even his worst
critics won’t deny that if he wins on Sunday, he will
pretty much define the agenda for national politics in
the near future.
It is also for this very reason that his re-election
will worry many of his party’s national leaders exactly
the same way his rise had worried Mahajan in 2002. It is
not just because he will then make an immediate bid for
the national leadership. On the contrary, chances are
that he will let Advani be the prime-ministerial
candidate for the next round. But his style and persona
will cast a larger than life shadow, not just on the
BJP, but on the entire universe of saffron politics. Two
important factors that have marked the BJP’s national
politics so far will then change. One is the fact that
whatever their commitment to RSS ideology and classical
Hindutva, most senior leaders of the BJP have risen from
the parliamentary system of the fifties and the sixties.
They have, therefore, conducted their politics within
the broader parameters of constitutionalism and
parliamentary sobriety. Vajpayee has sparred with Nehru,
and Advani was on talking terms with Indira Gandhi and
Rajiv, even after she jailed him and his entire party
leadership during the Emergency. Also, whatever their
private views, you have never heard any senior leader
say nasty things about Muslims in any public discourse.
The second factor to have defined the BJP’s politics, so
far, is the political leadership’s remarkable servility
to the kingmaker of
Nagpur,
the leadership of the RSS. So strong has that hold been
that even at the peak of Vajpayee’s power most key
decisions, even privatisation of PSUs, had to be cleared
with Nagpur.
If Modi were to win tomorrow, both will change. He may
not call Muslims names in public but he leaves very
little to chance. Not for him the “lily-liveredness” of
the old-fashioned BJP politicians. He will never even
nod to a suggestion to reach out to Muslims especially,
as he does not believe in “appeasement”. He is not shy
of using the expression “Aalia, Malia, Kamalia” to refer
to goondas on the streets of
Gujarat. And when asked if he isn’t actually
suggesting — in code language — that the bad guys are
all Muslim, asks with a straight face: So what would you
have said in English, Tom, Dick and Harry... Would that
have made the bad guys all Christian?
Modi’s rise will completely change the form, style,
substance and essence of the BJP’s politics. In the
nineties with Ayodhya, Advani had given his party a
certain direction. Modi’s rise will now mean that the
use-by date on that politics is over. Most
interestingly, he will change the second factor too. He
may be an icon of aggressive Hindutva, but Modi has
emerged as the first BJP leader ever to defy the moral
and political authority of the RSS. He has not deferred
to them. He has, in fact, defied them. He has even
prevented RSS boys and sympathisers the power of making
money on the side, something they consider their right
in BJP states. The RSS is now returning the compliment
by boycotting his campaign. So if Modi wins, he will
also be the first BJP leader ever to win in defiance of,
and despite, the RSS.
And if he loses, which, though unlikely, is not an
impossibility, it will also have far-reaching
consequences, most of all for the BJP, as its old
leadership and the RSS — already sharpening their knives
— turn on him.
So come Sunday, you will see the rise of a new politics,
one way or the other.
PS:
I have a sneaking feeling that this time, too, my
phone may ring (hopefully, not at 6.30 am) and someone
from the BJP will call to say, “What nonsense are you
writing?”
sg@expressindia.com
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Mike Ghouse
is a Speaker, Thinker and a Writer. He is president of the
Foundation for Pluralism and
is a frequent guest on talk radio and local television network
discussing interfaith, political and civic issues. He is the
founding president of
World Muslim Congress with a
simple theme: Good for Muslims and good for the world. His
comments, news analysis and columns can be found on the Websites
and Blogs listed at his personal website
www.MikeGhouse.net. Mike is a
Dallasite for nearly three decades and Carrollton is his home
town. He can be reached at
MikeGhouse@gmail.com
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